Reform Four of Our Justice Reform Plan:
Strengthen Civil Rights Protections
"A Government of Laws, Not of Men."

By Sondra Wilson | Updated  August 4, 2026

Reminding Iowans about Iowa's Legacy as a Leader in Civil Rights:
The Case of Alexander Clark

The Alexander Clark Foundation, headquartered in Muscatine, Iowa, plays a crucial role in reminding Iowans about our legacy as a leader in upholding the honor, dignity, and respect that ought be given to all people. In 1868, a black man by the name of Alexander Clark, was deeply disturbed by the fact that the nearby public school would not allow his daughter Susan to attend — simply because her skin tone was a different shade. Instead the school insisted she travel across town to the school that was designated for black folk, which of course had less funding than the so-called public school (which wasn't open to the public, ironically)

Alexander challenged the Muscatine Board of School Directors in court, and in 1868 won his landmark desegregation case which today can be cited by anyone who might face discrimination here in Iowa: Clark v. Bd. of Sch. Dirs., 24 Iowa 266, 277 (1868).

Something remarkable about Clark, is that there were no statutes or case law for him to draw upon within his legal filings. After all, the Iowa Civil Rights Act wasn’t passed until 97 years later — in 1965 — and the case was completely unprecedented: there was no case law for him to cite! Instead Clark leaned into the Equality Clause, found in Article I, Section 1 of the Iowa Constitution. 

Author's note: In law, "Article I, Section 1" would normally be abbreviated "Art. I Sec. 1" or "Art. I § 1", for "§" is the "section" symbol. Throughout this page, however, in memory of Christopher Gadsden, instead of using the "§" symbol, I have instead inserted the "" symbol. The "" symbol is located on the Gadsden Flag. You can learn more about Christopher Gadsden within the essay that is included in my Citizen's Arrest Kits.

Art. I 1: "All [natural persons] are, by nature, free and equal, and have certain inalienable rights - among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness."

Art I 1 is expanded upon within I 6, which sets forth: "All laws of a general nature shall have a uniform operation; the General Assembly shall not grant to any citizen, or class of citizens, privileges or immunities, which, upon the same terms shall not equally belong to all citizens."

Alexander Clark won his case, and the State of Iowa became the first in the union to desegregate schools — 86 years before Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483 (1954)! 

The Justice Accessibility Act, detailed below, will put Iowa back on track toward leading the nation a leader in civil rights aka "civilian rights". First, please watch this half hour documentary put together by the Alexander Clark Foundation:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x17WZnxNeJM&t=1193s

 

How We Restore Iowa's Role as a Leader in Civil Rights

Repair and Improve the Iowa Civil Rights Act
Five Key Changes to Make the Commission Effective
by Sondra Wilson. Updated June 28, 2026.

Across Iowa, people bring evidence of discrimination to the State and are turned away. I was one of them.

Many people hear the word “discrimination” and roll their eyes, assuming the person is exaggerating or seeking revenge. But when you experience discrimination unmistakably — when you know you were treated unfairly because of who you are — the goal is not punishment. It is to be heard, taken seriously, correct the harm, and prevent the same thing from happening to someone else in the future.

That is one reason civil-rights enforcement matters. The Iowa Civil Rights Commission, now housed within the Iowa Office of Civil Rights, describes a process that may include mediation, investigation, administrative closure, right-to-sue letters, and legal remedies. In theory, that process can help resolve disputes, repair harm, and give businesses, nonprofits, schools, landlords, and other organizations a chance to recognize their own blind spots. Sometimes discrimination is intentional. Sometimes it comes from unexamined assumptions, unconscious bias, fear, misinformation, or a failure to understand how a policy or decision affects another person. Either way, the harm is real.

A strong civil-rights process should not exist merely to punish bad actors. It should help Iowa become better. It should help organizations see where they went wrong, correct unfair treatment, and build trust with the people they serve.

If it were not for my firsthand experience seeking help from the Iowa Civil Rights Commission, I would not have become so familiar with the exact ways Iowa’s civil-rights enforcement process needs to be repaired. But my experience is not isolated. As of the date checked for this article, the agency’s public Google reviews reflected widespread dissatisfaction, with repeated complaints from Iowans who say they brought evidence forward and were still turned away.

In my own case, I showed the Commission evidence that the opposing party had made false statements in its response to the Commission. Rather than meaningfully addressing that evidence through the administrative process, I was told to “find a private attorney.”

That brings us directly back to the first part of the Justice Accessibility Act: the high cost of legal representation. When a civil-rights enforcement agency closes the door and tells ordinary Iowans to hire private counsel, the practical effect is often that only people with money can meaningfully enforce their rights. Civil-rights enforcement should not be a pay-to-play system.

The Des Moines Register has also published reporting and commentary raising concerns about Iowa’s civil-rights process, including F. Amanda Tugade’s article, “Why 60% of Iowa Workers’ Civil Rights Complaints Aren’t Investigated; Why Process Is So Difficult,” and Lucas Grundmeier’s editorial, “Iowa Should Stop Tilting the Scales in Civil Rights Cases.” After I published my own article on January 13, 2025, titled “Has the Iowa Civil Rights Commission Failed You? Share Your Story,” multiple individuals contacted me with similar concerns.

In addition to helping form Citizens for an Effective Iowa Civil Rights Commission, I will work, if elected Governor, to implement the following reforms.

These failures are not inevitable. Iowa can fix them — and here are five reforms that would make the system meaningfully effective.

1. Require the Commission to provide the case file when it closes or initially determines a case.

One of the most serious defects in the current process is that complainants may receive the agency’s evaluation or closure explanation without receiving the actual case file at the same time.

That matters because an agency evaluation may summarize what one party said about another person. For example, the evaluation may state that “the owner said the employee reported X.” But without the underlying file, the complainant may not know whether the owner made a false statement, whether the employee made a false statement, whether the agency misunderstood the evidence, or whether relevant documents were omitted.

A complainant might be told the employer claimed “performance issues,” but without the file, they cannot see whether the employer’s documents contradict themselves. They cannot know whether key evidence was ignored. They cannot meaningfully explain what the agency got wrong.

Under the current process, a complainant who wants a right-to-sue letter may then receive access to an electronic copy of the complaint file. But the problem is that requesting a right-to-sue letter also changes the procedural posture of the case. When the right-to-sue letter is issued, the Office administratively closes the complaint and takes no further action. A lawsuit must then be filed within 90 days of the date the right-to-sue letter is issued.

That is not a minor inconvenience. It means the evidence-access mechanism is tied to a procedural trigger that can end the agency process and start a strict lawsuit deadline.

In practical terms, a complainant may be told to find a private attorney while still lacking the actual evidence an attorney would need to evaluate the case. Attorneys want to see documents, timelines, exhibits, statements, and proof. If the agency closes a case but withholds the file until a right-to-sue request is made, the process puts complainants in a procedural trap: seek the evidence and trigger the deadline, or avoid the deadline and remain without the evidence.

As Governor, I would work to reform this process so that each party receives the case file at the time the Commission closes, screens out, or initially determines the case. People should not have to trigger a lawsuit clock simply to see the evidence used in their own civil-rights case.

2. Allow 60 days instead of 30 days to appeal an administrative closure or adverse determination.

A strict 30-day appeal deadline is too short for many civil-rights complainants, especially when the case involves a large record, conflicting statements, trauma, retaliation, or newly discovered evidence.

After a complainant receives an agency closure or adverse determination, they may need time to compare documents, identify contradictions, organize exhibits, consult an attorney, request records, review statements, and explain why the decision was wrong. Thirty days may be enough for a lawyer with staff, but it is often not enough for an ordinary Iowan navigating the process alone.

This becomes even more serious when the opposing party has submitted false, misleading, altered, or defamatory information into agency records. Retaliation is prohibited by the Iowa Civil Rights Act, but complainants need a meaningful process to challenge retaliatory falsehoods when they are used to defeat a civil-rights complaint. When this happens, the complainant is forced into a second burden: not only proving the original discrimination or retaliation, but also disproving each false narrative used to justify dismissal.

That is unpaid labor, and it disproportionately burdens people already facing discrimination. It causes distress. It consumes time. And it can prevent valid claims from being heard on the merits.

For that reason, Iowa should extend the appeal period from 30 days to 60 days. A civil-rights enforcement system should be designed to find the truth, not to rush unrepresented complainants through procedural deadlines before they can meaningfully respond.

3. Require enforceable consequences for knowingly false statements, altered evidence, and material deception submitted to the Commission.

Once complainants receive the case file and have enough time to review it, the next question becomes unavoidable: what happens if the file shows that a party knowingly submitted false statements, altered evidence, or material deception to the Commission?

Iowa should create clear, enforceable consequences for knowingly submitting materially false statements, altered evidence, or deceptive records to the Commission.

This reform should be drafted carefully. It should not criminalize ordinary disagreement, imperfect memory, factual disputes, legal argument, or a party’s good-faith defense. But it should apply where a person knowingly submits materially false information, alters records, conceals material context, or uses deceptive evidence to defeat a civil-rights complaint.

Iowa law already recognizes fraudulent practices in certain circumstances involving false entries or alterations in public, business, corporate, partnership, or nonprofit records. Iowa’s administrative rules have also recognized that false, fraudulent, or material misrepresentations provided to the Commission may justify reopening an administratively closed case file. But civil-rights complainants need more than theoretical remedies. They need clear enforcement mechanisms.

A civil-rights agency cannot function if parties are allowed to treat the administrative process as a consequence-free zone for deception. If respondents can submit knowingly false narratives, altered records, or defamatory claims into agency records without meaningful consequences, then the process itself becomes vulnerable to abuse.

As Governor, I would work to improve the efficacy of the Iowa Civil Rights Act by requiring sworn or certified submissions in contested matters and by creating enforceable civil, administrative, and criminal consequences for knowingly submitting materially false statements or altered evidence to the Commission.

These first three reforms work together: access to evidence, time to review it, and consequences for deception form the foundation of any credible civil-rights process.

4. Amend the Iowa Civil Rights Act to protect volunteers, interns, and contractors.

The first three reforms address what happens when a person is already inside the civil-rights process. But Iowa also needs to address who is protected enough to enter that process in the first place.

The Iowa Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in areas including employment, housing, credit, education, and public accommodations. But as currently written, the Act does not clearly protect every person who contributes labor, services, or community work outside a traditional employee relationship. Volunteers, nonprofit volunteers, interns, unpaid workers, gig workers, and independent contractors may fall into gaps that ordinary Iowans would not expect.

Iowa should close that gap directly, because it allows discrimination to flourish in nonprofits, gig platforms, community organizations, internships, and informal work arrangements where people contribute labor but lack traditional employee status.

Civil-rights protection should not depend on whether a person receives a W-2, a 1099, a stipend, a discount, internship credit, or no formal compensation at all. If an organization invites people to participate, work, serve, train, perform, volunteer, or contribute labor, Iowa law should provide clear protection against discrimination and retaliation in that relationship.

Although constitutional protections may apply in some circumstances, Iowans should not have to depend on uncertain judicial interpretation to know whether they are protected. The Iowa Civil Rights Act should be amended directly and clearly.

5. Replace at-will employment with a for-cause employment standard.

Finally, Iowa must address the broader employment-law framework that makes discrimination easier to hide.

Iowa should end at-will employment and move toward a for-cause employment standard. At-will employment generally means that an employer may terminate an employee at any time, for almost any reason, or for no stated reason at all, so long as the reason is not illegal. In practice, that rule leaves many workers at the mercy of vague, shifting, or pretextual explanations. Ending at-will employment is also an economic-justice reform, because vague pretexts disproportionately harm workers with the least power.

This matters for civil-rights enforcement because discrimination is often hidden behind a supposedly neutral explanation. An employer accused of discrimination may claim that the worker was fired for “attitude,” “fit,” “performance,” “restructuring,” or some other vague reason. A for-cause standard would not eliminate every abusive practice, but it would make it harder for employers to hide discrimination behind “any excuse under the sun.”

A civil-rights system cannot uncover discrimination if the employment framework allows employers to end someone’s job under any vague pretext. Iowa’s civil-rights laws cannot be fully effective if the surrounding employment-law framework makes it too easy to disguise unlawful discrimination as ordinary managerial discretion.

Taken together, these reforms address the structural weaknesses that prevent Iowans from enforcing their rights.

Conclusion

The Iowa Civil Rights Act is only as strong as the process used to enforce it. If Iowans bring evidence of discrimination, retaliation, or civil-rights violations to the State and are turned away without meaningful investigation, without access to the file, without enough time to appeal, and without consequences for deception, then the law exists more strongly on paper than in practice.

Iowa can fix this.

A fair civil-rights system strengthens Iowa’s workforce, protects vulnerable communities, and restores trust in government. We can strengthen civil-rights enforcement by requiring timely access to case files, giving complainants a meaningful appeal period, enforcing consequences against parties who knowingly deceive the Commission, extending protection to volunteers, interns, and contractors, and replacing at-will employment with a for-cause standard.

Civil rights should not depend on wealth, legal sophistication, or a person’s ability to survive procedural traps. The Iowa Civil Rights Act should protect Iowans in practice, not merely in theory.

Sources and Further Reading

Google Reviews for the Iowa Civil Rights Commission / Iowa Office of Civil Rights. Accessed Sept. 22, 2025. Public review scores can change and should be rechecked before publication.

Grundmeier, Lucas. “Iowa Should Stop Tilting the Scales in Civil Rights Cases.” Des Moines Register, May 14, 2023.

Iowa Administrative Code. Rule 161—3.50(2), as reflected in ARC 7312C, Civil Rights Commission [161].

Iowa Code. Chapter 216, “Civil Rights.”

Iowa Code. Section 714.8, “Fraudulent Practices Defined.”

Iowa Office of Civil Rights. “Iowa Civil Rights Act.”

Iowa Office of Civil Rights. “Outline of Complaint Process.”

Iowa Office of Civil Rights. “Right to Sue Letter FAQ.”

Tugade, F. Amanda. “Why 60% of Iowa Workers’ Civil Rights Complaints Aren’t Investigated; Why Process Is So Difficult.” Des Moines Register, May 8, 2023.

Wilson, Sondra. “Has the Iowa Civil Rights Commission Failed You? Share Your Story.” Published Jan. 13, 2025.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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